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 I agree with these views from reddit below on Multipolarism:

Historically, it is a multipolar world, not a unipolar world, that has given class movements in multiple countries political momentum. You don't have to read fascist trash from Dugin to appreciate this.

Well before the Russian Revolution and the Soviet Union, the "lesser evil" imperial power to provide critical support was Imperial Germany, trying to stick it to the Entente and their colonial shit. Friedrich Engels himself suggested conditional support for Imperial Germany if it were attacked.


The crucial timing that needs to be emphasized is whether there's a revolutionary period for the working class or not. If it's not a revolutionary period, support "lesser evil" geopolitical realpolitik / campism. If it is a revolutionary period, do not support "lesser evil" geopolitical realpolitik / campism.


Karl "John Kerry" Marx got it wrong. He supported German unification under Bismarck in 1870-1871, then flipped-flopped. It was not a revolutionary period for the working class. Moreover, German victory was a key catalyst to none other than the Paris Commune.


Both August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht got it wrong. They should have been "social patriots" in German unification at France's expense. Instead, they voted against war. It was their anti-unification antics that brought about the Anti-Socialist Laws!


On the other hand, Alexander Parvus got it woefully wrong. He supported a German victory in WWI. However, it was a revolutionary period for the working class.


P.S. - I'm writing this as a critique of Jacobin's recent article on the Russian Left, particularly the dissing of the Left Front's anti-Maidan stance.


I don't think it's that useful to focus on who to support if you're a regular pleb outside of the region. Better try to analyze the situation rather than pick a side among imperialists.

I'd put it slightly differently: If there isn't potential for revolution, support the universal development of productive forces. (The German Ideology, "Development of the Productive Forces as a Material Premise of Communism.") US imperialism in its current form suppresses this development in many parts of the world, as did the "Kleinstaaterei" in Germany before unification.


BTW, Bebel and Liebknecht were for unification but against Prussia leading and forcing the issue militarily. (Which of course didn't change the course of history.)

BTW, Bebel and Liebknecht were for unification but against Prussia leading and forcing the issue militarily. (Which of course didn't change the course of history.)


Like I said, it was a politically dangerous mistake on their part.


At least you understand my case for "critical campism." I know it's a big debate in the DSA right now.


https://breachmedia.ca/is-the-enemy-of-my-enemy-my-friend/


I also know that uncritical campism is the kind that, at best, will lead to single-issue "anti-imperialist" crap orgs like ANSWER - and, at worst, to red-brown shit:


https://louisproyect.org/2018/03/15/the-multipolar-spin-how-fascists-operationalize-left-wing-resentment/


"marxists" being anti-trust libs on foreign policy is probably partly responsible for why they've brought it back home and now defend the sanctity of small business


WTF does it mean to be "anti-trust" on foreign policy


LOL! [I'm not a defender of the First World petit-bourgeoisie in any way, shape or form.]


I'm not kidding, though. The "social patriotic" Lassalleans of the ADAV had the correct political position on German unification, even one under Prussian rule.

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