Interseciotn poltrei exh

 from here https://escholarship.org/content/qt6c14j4fw/qt6c14j4fw_noSplash_1cf44456a31d06c8005a24b1a3188ce5.pdf

In the context of these problems with queer theory, Patricia Hill Collins’s black feminist

standpoint theory gives us reasons to resist neutrality in coalitional politics. Collins argues that

we should place black women’s “oppositional consciousness” at the center of coalitional politics.

A problem arises here because, according to standpoint theory, the notion of a central

oppositional consciousness—perhaps the Lumpenproletariat, queerness, or blackness—is a limit

of standpoint-intersectionality that exceeds the determinate self-consciousness necessary for

sustained political agency. Different theorists elect different ostensible identity differences as

actual failures of identity in general to the place of this general limit with a trajectory beyond

intersectional identity. To this limit where identity fails in general, at times Marxists have elected

class differences, queer theorists have elected sexuality differences (along the lines of sexual

exclusivity vs. flirtation and cruising), and psychoanalysts have elected sexual differences (a

major topic of my third chapter).

The second chapter provides Che Gossett’s Afropessimist reasons for electing racial

difference to this place: racial difference is prior to sexual difference insofar as 

132

“the Lacanian ‘sexed body’ is always already a racialized body and a colonized body,” and

“Black and/or indigenous peoples have always figured as sexual and gender outlaws to be

disciplined and punished” (Gossett 2016). Che Gossett notes that gender nonconforming and

trans people—especially of color—disproportionately experience the violence of policing

binary-gendered bathroom lines. Racial difference props up the whiteness required for the

intelligibility of sexual difference. Gossett’s argument turns on the constitutive role of European

imperialism and antiblack slavery in the production of sexual difference. Racial difference is

about the failure of identity in general because blackness is excluded by European imperialism

from legitimacy in any formation of identity—gender, sexuality, class, or ability. Whereas Slavoj

Žižek has suggested that queer and trans deviance always-already applies to all human life

(which seems to elide some pretty important differences between those constitutively queer

humans who accede to their queerness and those constitutively queer humans who do not), Žižek

does not acknowledge that the afterlife of globalized anti-black slavery excludes non-European

bodies from the domain of human life.

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